A tapestry cloth to hang on the wall, 40 feet by 12 high, on it a hunt of the Duke of Burgundy …A tapestry cloth with figures of dogs and horse, 20 feet long, 16 feet high …In the large ground-floor bedroom called Lorenzo's Chamber, 6 framed pictures … three painted with the Rout of san Romano and one with a battle of Dragons and Lions, and one with the story of Paris.26
State Library of Victoria. *f096. l/Au 4. Catalogued in K. V. Sinclair, Descriptive Catalogue of Medieval and Renaissance Western Manuscripts in Australia. Sydney. 1969, pp. 370–3, and M. Manion and V. Vines, Medieval and Renaissance Illuminated Manuscripts in Australian Collections, Melbourne, 1984, pp. 89–91. | |
Editions are: Scriptores Historiae Augustae, ed. David Magie, Loeh Classics, London, 1921–1932, 3 vols: Eutropius, Breviarium ab Urbe Condita cum versionibus graecis Paulus Landolfique additamentis, ed. H. Drosen, Berlin, 1879: Paulus Diaconus, Historia Romana, ed. A. Crivellucci, Rome 1914. On the Augustan History as a forgery see, N. Barnes, “History and Fiction”, Chapter 2 in his The Sources of the Historia Augusta, Brussels, 1978. | |
For an identification of the scribe as Neri di Filippo Rinuccini (1435–1506) and a discussion of his oeuvre see: A. C. de la Mare, “New Research on Humanistic Scribes in Florence”, in A. Garzelli (ed.), Miniatura Fiorentina del Rinascimento 1440–1525, 2 vols, 1, pp. 395–592, at pp. 471–3, and 521–3. | |
That is by our calendar — the Florentine civic year began on 25 March. | |
The central shield, encircled by a laurel wreath is charged: or, six palles gules and one azure charged with three fleur-de-lys. The eight-sided shields on the left and right are charged: or, eight palles gules and one azure. | |
Franceso Cardini, “Le Insegne Laurenziane”, in Paola Ven-trone (ed.), Le Tems Revient 'l Tempo si Rinuova: Feste e Spettacoli nella Firenze di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Florence, 1992, pp. 55–74. | |
This particular issue of Hadrianic coinage was widely known in Renaissance Italy and it was used by other Florentine artists as a model: J. A. Dobrick, “Ghirlandaio and Roman Coins”, Burlington Magazine, 1981, pp. 356–7. | |
For example in a Josephus, Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, pl. 66.7 and a Breviary, Firenze, Museo Nazionale, ms 68. | |
Mirella Levi D'Ancona, Miniature e miniatori a Firenze dal XIV a XVI secolo, Florence, 1962, pp. 175–7. | |
These are catalogued by Garzelli. (as in n. 3), Vol. 1, pp. 187–216. | |
For the recent scholarship and re-creation of this event see the essays and catalogue in Le Tems Revient, (as in n. 6). | |
For this symbolism see: Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art: Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Cosimos, Princeton, 1984, pp. 18–20. Rab Hatfield, Botticelli's Uffizi “Adoration” A Study in Pictorial Content, Princeton University Press, 1976, p. 79, n. 41. Gehardt B. Ladner, “Vegetations Symbolism and the Concept of the Renaissance”, in De Artibus Opuscula Essays in honor of Erwin Panofsky, New York, 1961, pp. 303–22, 316, n. 59. Many examples of the symbolic use of the laurel and its identification with Lorenzo can be found in the exhibition catalogue, Anna Lenzuni (ed.), All'Ombra del Lauro: Documenti Librari della Cultura in Eta Laurenziana, Florence. 1992. | |
For the first painting see Cox-Rearick (as in n. 12) p. 19. For an extended study of the latter painting see, Hatfield (as in n. 12). | |
Sara Sturm-Maddox, “La pianta più gradita in cielo: Petrarch's Laurel and Jove”, in Aldo Bernardo and Anthony Pellegrini (eds.), Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio Studies in the Italian Trecento in Honor of Charles S. Singelton, New York, 1983, pp. 255–71. | |
For example, Suetonius in his Twelve Caesars recounts that a dying oak revived in the peaceful reign of Augustus, while a sacred laurel died under the tyranny of Nero. The motif of the Golden Bough, a tree which although lopped continued to replenish itself, was in Virgil's Aeneid (Chapter vi) inextricably linked with the legendary founding of Rome. | |
Hatfield (as in n. 12) p. 61 n. 116. | |
The following discussion is based on the detailed examination of the symbol undertaken by Ladner (as in n. 12). | |
Janet Cox-Rearick (as in n. 12) p. 78. | |
“One cannot help suspecting that love conventions and political aspiration were fused in his mind when he selected for his joust the motto ‘Le Tems revient’, the French and Chivalrous version of Dante's ‘il tempo si rinnuova’: E. H. Gombrich, “Renaissance and Golden Age”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXIV, 1961, pp. 306–9. | |
Charles Mitchell, A Fifteenth Century Italian Plutarch, London, 1962, p. 6. | |
Cardini (as in n. 6) p. 58. | |
The seminal study of Florentine ritual and Lorenzo's part in it is Richard Trexler's Public Life in Renaissance Florence, New York, 1980. | |
Examples of such armour are catalogued and illustrated in Le Tems revient (as in n. 6) pp. 167–206. | |
Lorenzo de' Medici, Opere, ed. A. Simoni, Bari, 1939, Vol. 1, p. 68. | |
This aspect of Lorenzo's taste was explored in a paper delivered by Dr. Robert Gaston — “Lorenzo il Magnifico and the Visual Arts: Paradigm or Hyperbole”, The Age of Lorenzo de' Medici Colloquium, The Italian Institute of Culture, Melbourne, 23 October 1992. | |
Reproduced in Creighton Gilbert, Italian Art 1400–1500: Sources and Documents, New Jersey, 1980, p. 137. | |
E. H. Gombrich. “The Early Medici as Patrons of Art”, in his Norm and Form, London, 1968, pp. 35–67. | |
Trexler (as in n. 19) has argued that the Medici Palace was viewed as an Aladdin's cave which contained a magical treasure trove, p. 446. | |
See the urban projects discussed by Caroline Elam. “Lorenzo de' Medici and the Urban Development of Renaissance Florence”, Art History 1, 1978, pp. 43–66. | |
“In the years from about 1489 to 1492 Lorenzo seems to have taken a new and active interest in his library” — A. C. de la Mare (as in n. 3). See also Angela Bussi and Anna Fantoni, “La Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Negli Ultimi Anni del Quattrocento”, in All’ Ombra del Lauro (as in n. 12) pp. 135–47. For full documentation of the library: E. Piccolomini, “Intorno alle condizioni ed alle vicende della libreria medicea privata”, Archivio Storicc italiano, s. III, XIX (1974) pp. 101–29, 254–81; XX (1984) pp. 51–94: XXI (1875) pp. 102–12, 282–96. | |
They are Firenze, Biblioteca Mediciae Laurenziana. pl. 63. 31 (with the arms of Piero de Cosimo de' Medici, cited in the 1456, 1464 and 1495 [Item 479] inventories) and Firenze, Bibliotecca Medicea Laurenziana, pl. 63.32. (Item 490 in the 1495 inventory published by Piccolomini (as in n. 30). | |
Like Lorenzo's manuscript, the editio princeps (ed. B. Accursius) also contained the works of Eutropius and Paul the Deacon. | |
The text of the manuscript is very corrupt. Indeed it Lorenzo had wanted a good text of Augustan History, his secretary Agnolo Poliziano who had a documented interest in this particular text would have been the obvious choice as editor. For instance, the text is cited in Poliziano's Miscellania printed in Venice in 1489. I have compared the text of this manuscript with Poliziano's autograph emendations in his own copy of the printed edition (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale,** Inc. B Rari 91) and there appear to be no links between the manuscript's text and Poliziano's scholarly activities. | |
Accounts of the incident vary, they are discussed in detail in: James Draper, Bertoldo di Giovanni: Sculptor of the Medici Household, Columbia and London, 1991, pp. 86–95. | |
It is significant that in the present manuscript, apart from the title-page, the broncone only appears in one other place. It features as a support for the ‘V’ initial which begins the life of Marius f, 117v who was, like Giuliano, cut down in the prime of life. | |
Trexler, (as in n. 22) p. 441, argues that this shift in ritual culture had begun in the early seventies after Lorenzo's marriage. | |
Andrew Butterfield, “Verrochio's Christ and St Thomas: Chronology, Iconography and Political Context”, Burlington Magazine, April 1992, pp. 220–33, at p. 232. | |
The manuscript is now, Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS E III. It was damaged in the tragic fire of 1904, and has been attributed to Pisanello. Catalogued and described in Mostra dei Codici Gonzageschi: La Biblioteca dei Gonzaga da Luigi ad Isabella, Mantua. 1966, p. 78: B. Degenhart, “Ludovico II Gonzaga in einer Miniatur Pisanello's”, Pantheon, XXX, 1972, pp. 193–210 and in G. Paccagnini, Pisanello, Phaidon, 1973, pp. 221–2, and pp. 250–1. | |
Degenhart (as in n. 38) reproduces a letter in which Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga praises the beauty of its illuminations and asks for a loan of the manuscript in order to have it copied. | |
For Lorenzo's and Poliziano's dealings with Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga: D. S. Chambers, A Renaissance Cardinal and his Worldly Goods: The Will and Inventory of Francesco Gonzaga (1444–1483), Warburg Institute, p.71–4. | |
Trexler (as in n. 22) p. 459. | |
Poliziano cited by A. C. de la Mare (as in n. 3) p. 470. | |
This is thoroughly documented in Piccolomini (as in n. 30). | |
These are listed in A. C. del Mare(as in n. 3) p. 452. Some are discussed by Anna Lenzuni, “Tre Libri D'Ore per le Figlie di Lorenzo”, in All'Ombra del Lauro, pp. 165–8. | |
Marie Pierre Laffitte, “II Codice Italiano 548 della Biblioteca Nazionale di Parigi”, in All'Ombra del Lauro, pp. 161–5. | |
Published by Piccolomini (as in n. 30). | |
The following account is based on the synopsis of the Piccolomini's information (as in n. 30) found in Dorothy M. Robothan, “Libraries of the Italian Renaissance”, in J. Thompson (ed.), The Medieval Library, New York, 1957, pp. 509–88, at pp. 548–52. | |
A shield with mantel surmounted by a crown and blazoned quarterly and 4 with six palle, 2 and 3 per pale a plain cross and a two-headed splayed eagle, over alla shield per pale, the sinister also pale, the dexter indistinct, surmounted by a papal tiara and ombrellino. | |
J. J. G. Alexander, Wallace Collection: Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscript Cuttings, London, 1980, pp. 9–10. | |
Sotheby & Company, Catalogue of Sale, 26 July 1825, lot No. 1671, p. 69. | |
British Library. Add. MS 12015. | |
The State Library manuscript is the only Augustan History which actually bears a date after 1475 and certainly the only one to have changed hands in England at the time. | |
A. N. L. Munby, Phillipps Studies, Cambridge, 1951–60, Vol. 3, Appendix A. p. 149. | |
For his activities see, Frank Davies, Victorian Patrons of the Arts London, 1963 and Alan G. Thomas, Great Books and Book Collectors, London, 1975, pp. 261–5. | |
Even so Phillipps appreciated the value of the Augustan History, and inside the manuscript's front cover he noted that the manuscript bore the Medici arms and that “the paintings are supposed to be done by Julio Clovio”. The work of this sixteenth-century mannerist illuminator and friend of Michelangelo was highly regarded at the time. | |
These included the stipulation that no Roman Catholic “shall ever be admitted to the inspection of my library of books and manuscripts” and the complete lack of any provision capital or income for maintenance of the collection. Thomas (as in n. 54) p. 264. | |
The fact that Sotheby's Phillipps' sales began in 1886 and continued annually for a century is one measure of the immense scale of Phillipps' library. |